Blog

Abraham Lincoln, the first Republican president, founded the party on an uncompromising moral principle: racism is evil, and no human being should be judged or enslaved because of the group into which he or she was born. With the Emancipation Proclamation and victory in the Civil War, Lincoln and the early Republicans shattered the chains of chattel slavery and declared that the color of one’s skin must never determine the content of one’s rights. That was the Republican Party’s original promise—radical, revolutionary, and rooted in the belief that every individual possesses equal moral worth under God and the law. Today that promise is threatened by a new racism: antisemitism, the oldest hatred, now re-emerging in modern garb. It has already taken root in corners of the Democratic Party, where criticism of Israel too often slides into classic tropes of Jewish power, money, and disloyalty. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">But alarmingly, it is also beginning to appear on the populist fringes of the Republican Party, carried forward by influential voices who should know better.<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">The most prominent carrier of this new racism on the right is Tucker Carlson. What once passed as edgy foreign-policy skepticism has, in recent months, crossed unmistakable lines. Hosting white nationalist Nick Fuentes for an unchallenged two-hour interview, joking about shadowy rooms of men “eating hummus” plotting against Christians, and repeatedly leaning on conspiratorial language about “neocons,” “globalists,” &nbsp;- these are not accidental dog-whistles. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">They are the updated vocabulary of an ancient prejudice. Candace Owens has gone further still, flirting with Holocaust minimization and bizarre blood libels that would have been unthinkable in mainstream conservative circles only a few years ago.This is the new racism: antisemitism repackaged as “anti-elitism,” “America First” isolationism, or skepticism of foreign entanglements. It borrows the same poisonous myths that once animated the Know-Nothings, the Klan, and the America First Committee of the 1930s—myths the Republican Party has historically rejected.<span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">The danger is not that these voices yet dominate the GOP; they do not. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">The danger is that silence, equivocation, or fear of alienating a loud online minority will allow this fringe to grow the way antisemitism was allowed to grow on the progressive left. The Democratic Party’s failure to police its own members—its reluctance to condemn outright the dual-loyalty smears and blood-libel rhetoric that have emanated from parts of “the Squad” and campus radicals—offers a cautionary tale. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">Republicans must not repeat that mistake. This is why Russ McAlmond, the Marine veteran and financial expert now running for U.S. Senate in Oregon, has made “Zero Tolerance for Antisemitism” a cornerstone of his campaign. McAlmond refuses to share stages with, endorse, or excuse figures who traffic in this new racism, no matter how large their audiences. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">Antisemitism, he insists, is racism—nothing more, nothing less—and a party that claims to stand against identity politics cannot make exceptions for the oldest identity politics of all. More than a policy position, McAlmond offers the Republican Party a philosophical path forward: Ethical Individualism. This framework, which he lays out in his book of the same name, calls on Americans to see one another first and foremost as unique individuals—not as avatars of a race, religion, or tribe to be praised or feared en masse. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">It is Lincoln’s vision brought into the 21st century: judge each person by the content of his or her character and the merit of his or her ideas, never by immutable group identity.The Republican Party must return to its nobler past. It must once again become the unequivocal enemy of group judgmentalism in all its forms—whether directed at African Americans in 1865 or at Jewish Americans in 2025. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">By embracing Ethical Individualism as its guiding human-relations philosophy, the GOP can reclaim the moral clarity that freed a people and saved a nation. And perhaps, in time, Democrats will see the same light—recognizing that true equality demands the rejection of every form of racial and ethnic collectivism, including the new racism that now threatens Jews from both the left and the right. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">Until that day comes, the party of Lincoln has a duty to lead. Russ McAlmond is showing the way. <span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">The rest of the Republican Party must follow.

The New Racism Emerging in the 21st Century

Historical documents American flag symbolizing independence celebration in United States

In the landscape of political ideology, few frameworks cut through rhetorical fog as cleanly as the liberty-vs-control spectrum. Here, the right represents maximal individual rights—life, liberty, speech, property, and self-defense—with government existing solely to protect those rights. The left represents escalating government control over the individual, culminating in totalitarianism where the state owns the person, the economy, and even thought itself. Measured against this axis, Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin emerge not as opposites but as ideological twins: extreme leftists whose regimes devoured tens of millions of lives. In stark contrast stands the United States at its founding—a deliberate experiment in limited government designed to enshrine individual rights as inviolable, the polar opposite of the death machines built by Hitler and Stalin.The Liberty-vs-Control Spectrum DefinedTraditional left-right models, rooted in the seating arrangements of the French Revolution or modern cultural partisanship, obscure more than they reveal when evaluating human freedom. A superior metric asks one question: How much control does the government exert over the individual’s rights and property?Far Right (Maximum Liberty): No government coercion beyond protecting rights; voluntary association, private property, free markets, and personal responsibility dominate. Center-Right: Minimal government with low taxes, strong rule of law, and enumerated powers. Center-Left: Expanded welfare state, regulatory oversight, and progressive taxation—still respecting core rights but eroding them incrementally. Far Left (Maximum Control): Total state ownership of production, speech, movement, and life itself; dissent is treason, property is theft from the collective, and the individual exists to serve the regime. On this spectrum, both Hitler’s National Socialist Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Union sit at the extreme left—not because of their propaganda labels, but because of their identical operating principle: the state is supreme, the individual is expendable.Hitler and Stalin: Totalitarian <strong style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);" data-mce-style="font-family: inherit; font-size: calc(18px * var(--body-fontSize, 1)); font-style: var(--body-fontStyle, normal);">Leftism in ActionAdolf Hitler – National Socialism as State AbsolutismHitler’s regime (1933–1945) did not liberate the German people; it enslaved them. The Nazi state:Nationalized key industries under the Four-Year Plan, dictating production quotas and seizing non-compliant businesses. Abolished independent labor unions, replacing them with the state-controlled German Labor Front. Confiscated private property from disfavored groups (Jews, political opponents) and redirected it to party loyalists or state coffers. Eliminated free speech via the Ministry of Propaganda and Gestapo surveillance; even private conversations were policed. Conscripted citizens into mandatory labor, youth indoctrination (Hitler Youth), and eventual military service. Private enterprise existed in name, but only as a puppet of the Reich. As historian Richard Evans notes, “The economy was subjected to a degree of state intervention and control unmatched in peacetime by any other country except Stalin’s Russia.” The result? Over 11 million civilian deaths in the Holocaust and related purges—lives extinguished not by war alone, but by a state that claimed ownership over human beings based on blood and ideology.Joseph Stalin – Communism as State Ownership of HumanityStalin’s Soviet Union (1924–1953) took the logic of control to its mathematical conclusion: Collectivized agriculture, seizing private farms and triggering the Holodomor famine (1932–1933), which killed 3.5–7 million Ukrainians through deliberate starvation. Liquidated the kulaks—independent farmers labeled “class enemies”—and sent millions to the Gulag archipelago. Purged the Communist Party itself, executing or imprisoning over 700,000 in 1937–1938 alone. Controlled every word via censorship boards and informant networks; a joke about the regime could mean a decade in Siberia. The state owned the means of production, the means of expression, and ultimately the means of survival. Estimates of Stalin’s death toll range from 20 to 60 million, including famine, executions, and forced labor. As with Hitler, the body count was not collateral damage—it was the system working as intended.Both leaders rejected individual rights as bourgeois illusions. Both built cults of personality where the state’s will superseded God, family, and conscience. Both proved that when government control reaches its apex, human life becomes a disposable resource.The American Founding: A Deliberate Rejection of TyrannyIn 1787, the American Founders crafted a system explicitly designed to prevent the kind of totalitarian leftism later unleashed by Hitler and Stalin. The United States was not conceived as a democracy of unlimited majority rule, but as a constitutional republic with government chained by enumerated powers and individual rights declared inalienable.Core Principles of Limited GovernmentThe Declaration of Independence (1776): “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights… That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.”Rights preexist government; the state’s sole purpose is to protect, not grant or revoke them. The Constitution (1787): Power is fragmented—federalism, separation of powers, checks and balances—to ensure no single authority can dominate the individual. The Bill of Rights (1791):1st Amendment: Government cannot silence or compel speech. 2nd Amendment: The people retain the ultimate check on tyranny—arms. 4th, 5th, and 6th Amendments: Property and due process are sacred. 9th and 10th Amendments: Rights not listed are still retained; powers not delegated are reserved to the people or states. James Madison, architect of the Constitution, warned in Federalist No. 51: “If men were angels, no government would be necessary… In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.”This is the antithesis of Hitler and Stalin. Where the Nazis and Soviets saw the state as the source of all meaning, the Founders saw it as a necessary evil—limited, transparent, and accountable. Where totalitarian regimes murdered millions to enforce conformity, the American system was built to let a thousand flowers bloom—in speech, worship, enterprise, and association.The Death Toll of Control vs. the Flourishing of LibertyEstimated Unnecessary Deaths Hitler’s Germany Extreme Left 11–17 million (Holocaust, purges, eugenics) Stalin’s USSR Extreme Left 20–60 million (famines, Gulag, purges) Mao’s China Extreme Left 40–80 million (Great Leap Forward, Cultural Revolution) United States (1776–present) Center-Right to Far Right (at founding) 0 state-orchestrated genocides The pattern is unmistakable: the further left a government slides on the control spectrum, the bloodier its ledger becomes. The American experiment, despite its flaws (slavery, internments, overreach), has no equivalent to the deliberate, industrial-scale extermination camps or engineered famines of the left-totalitarian states.The Stakes of the SpectrumHitler and Stalin were not aberrations of leftism—they were its logical conclusion. When the state claims the right to redefine truth, redistribute property, silence dissent, and dispose of “undesirable” lives, mass death follows with grim inevitability. The American Founders, scarred by King George’s overreach, built a system to starve the state of such power—not out of naïveté, but out of hard-won wisdom.To evaluate any government, ask not what it calls itself, but how much of your life it demands to control. On the liberty spectrum, the choice is binary: Will you be a free citizen, or a subject of the machine? The Founders chose freedom. Hitler and Stalin chose the machine—and the world still counts the corpses.The lesson is eternal: The further a society drifts left toward state supremacy, the closer it edges to the abyss. The American model, rooted in limited government and unalienable rights, remains the most effective bulwark against that darkness yet devised by human reason.

Liberty Spectrum Left versus Right

The Affordable Care Act (ACA), commonly known as Obamacare, represents one of the most egregious examples of government overreach in modern American history. Enacted in 2010 without a single Republican vote in Congress, it promised to lower healthcare costs, expand coverage, and "bend the cost curve downward." Instead, it has delivered skyrocketing premiums, narrowed choices, and a bloated bureaucracy that burdens families and businesses alike. Democrats' persistent attempts to pin these failures on Republicans are not just disingenuous—they're a deliberate deflection from the law's inherent flaws. Zero Republicans voted for Obamacare because we foresaw its disastrous consequences, and history has vindicated that opposition.The Mechanics of Premium Increases Under ObamacareAt its core, Obamacare disrupted a functioning private insurance market with mandates, subsidies, and regulations that distorted economic incentives. Premiums have risen dramatically because the law forces insurers to cover a broader pool of high-risk individuals without corresponding mechanisms to control costs.First, the individual mandate (later weakened but initially punitive) required Americans to buy insurance or face a tax penalty. This compelled healthy, low-risk young people to enter the market, subsidizing older and sicker enrollees. However, the penalty was too weak to enforce widespread compliance, leading to adverse selection: sicker individuals dominated the exchanges, driving up claims and, consequently, premiums. Data from the Kaiser Family Foundation shows that average individual market premiums rose from about $232 per month in 2013 (pre-ACA full implementation) to over $450 by 2019, with double-digit annual increases in many states during the early years.Second, guaranteed issue and community rating provisions prohibited insurers from denying coverage or charging higher rates based on pre-existing conditions or age (beyond a 3:1 ratio). While politically popular, these rules eliminated risk-based pricing, a cornerstone of actuarial soundness. Insurers responded by hiking rates across the board to offset losses from unprofitable customers. The result? A death spiral in many markets, where premiums became unaffordable for the middle class, prompting more healthy people to drop coverage and further inflating costs for those remaining.Third, the ACA's essential health benefits mandate required plans to cover ten categories of services, including maternity care, mental health, and preventive services—regardless of individual needs. This "one-size-fits-all" approach inflated baseline costs, especially for men, young adults, or those without families who didn't need certain coverages. Add in the medical loss ratio rule capping administrative and profit margins at 15-20%, and insurers had little flexibility to innovate or negotiate aggressively with providers.Finally, risk corridors, reinsurance, and other temporary stabilizers expired after 2016, leaving insurers exposed to massive losses. Many exited the exchanges entirely—by 2017, nearly a third of U.S. counties had only one insurer—reducing competition and empowering remaining carriers to demand higher premiums. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projected in 2010 that premiums would decrease; instead, they've increased by 105% on average for benchmark silver plans from 2014 to 2021, per CMS data.These aren't abstract theories—they're the predictable outcomes of central planning supplanting market forces. Conservatives warned that government can't repeal the laws of economics, and Obamacare proved it.Democrats' Blame Game: Zero Republican Votes, Zero Republican ResponsibilityDemocrats' narrative that Republicans are to blame for premium hikes is a masterclass in revisionist history. Not one Republican in the House or Senate voted for the ACA in 2010. President Obama and Democratic leaders rammed it through via reconciliation, ignoring bipartisan concerns about cost controls and federal overreach. Republicans offered alternatives focused on tort reform, interstate competition, and health savings accounts—ideas that could have lowered costs without mandates—but they were dismissed.Yet, when premiums exploded, Democrats pointed fingers at Republican-led efforts to repeal or defund the law, claiming "sabotage." This ignores the fact that the ACA's failures stemmed from its own design, not subsequent opposition. For instance:The 2017 tax reform under President Trump eliminated the individual mandate penalty, which Democrats decried as undermining the law. In reality, it provided relief to millions facing unaffordable coverage, and premiums stabilized or fell in some states post-repeal as markets adjusted. Short-term limited-duration plans and association health plans, expanded under Trump, offered cheaper alternatives outside ACA strictures—options Democrats attacked as "junk insurance" while their own exchanges priced people out. Blaming Republicans is particularly galling because Democrats controlled the White House and both chambers of Congress from 2009-2011, with ample opportunity to fix flaws. They didn't. Instead, they've used premium woes to push for even more government control, like a public option or single-payer "Medicare for All," which would exacerbate the problems.Why This Matters: Principles of Freedom and Fiscal ResponsibilityConservatives believe healthcare thrives in a free market where competition drives down costs and innovation improves quality. Obamacare violated this by entrenching cronyism—funneling billions in subsidies to insurers while taxpayers foot the bill for a program that's added trillions to the national debt (per CBO estimates).It's wrong for Democrats to blame Republicans because it evades accountability. The party that unanimously imposed this flawed system owns its outcomes. Premium increases aren't due to GOP obstruction; they're the fruit of Democratic hubris in believing Washington bureaucrats could engineer better results than millions of individual choices.A Path Forward: Repeal and Replace with Better SolutionsTo truly lower premiums, we need patient-centered reforms: allow insurance sales across state lines, expand HSAs, enact medical malpractice reform, and promote price transparency. These were in Republican proposals like the American Health Care Act, blocked by Democratic filibusters. Obamacare's premium crisis is a cautionary tale against progressive overreach. Democrats can't rewrite history—zero Republican votes mean zero Republican blame. It's time they owned their creation and stepped aside for market-based solutions that put Americans, not government, in control of their healthcare.

Obamacare Health Premium Increases

The United States Constitution's First Amendment guarantees freedom of religion, a principle meant to protect all faiths equally from government interference or favoritism. Yet, in contemporary American politics, the Democratic Party exhibits a stark double standard in its treatment of Christianity versus Islam. While the party has grown increasingly hostile toward Christian expressions—particularly those associated with conservative or "Judeo-Christian" values—it has simultaneously embraced Muslim communities, prioritizing concerns over "Islamophobia" while downplaying or ignoring attacks on Christianity. This selective tolerance undermines the ideal of religious neutrality, revealing a partisan hierarchy where one religion is shielded and promoted, while another is demeaned and deconstructed. This essay examines the evidence for this double standard through policy positions, cultural rhetoric, and public discourse.Deconstruction of Judeo-Christian Values and Attacks on ChristianityThe Democratic Party's platform and rhetoric have increasingly targeted traditional Christian principles, framing them as obstacles to progressive goals. Core Judeo-Christian values—such as the sanctity of life, traditional marriage, and biblical sexual ethics—have been systematically challenged. For instance, the party's unwavering support for abortion rights, codified in its 2024 platform as a "fundamental freedom," directly conflicts with the Catholic Church's teaching on the sanctity of unborn life and evangelical Protestant views on the same. Prominent Democrats, including President Joe Biden (a self-identified Catholic), have clashed with religious leaders over this issue; in 2024, Biden's administration sued Catholic hospitals for refusing to perform abortions or gender-affirming surgeries, arguing that such refusals violate federal anti-discrimination laws.Attacks extend beyond policy to cultural spheres. Democratic-aligned entertainment and art often mock Christianity with impunity. Shows like The Boys (produced with input from progressive Hollywood) depict evangelical Christians as hypocritical villains, while late-night hosts on networks friendly to Democrats routinely joke about Jesus or the Bible without backlash. In 2023, the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History faced criticism for exhibits that portrayed the Christian right as a threat to democracy, yet Democratic leaders remained silent. Public figures like Representative Ilhan Omar have dismissed Christian concerns about religious liberty, while the party platform omits any defense of Christians facing discrimination—such as bakers or florists fined for declining to participate in same-sex weddings under anti-discrimination laws pushed by Democrats.This hostility peaks against the "Christian right." Figures like Vice President Kamala Harris have labeled conservative Christian nationalism a "threat to democracy" in speeches, equating it with extremism. The Biden-Harris administration's 2021 domestic terrorism strategy highlighted "religiously motivated violent extremists" with examples drawn almost exclusively from white Christian conservatives, ignoring similar threats from other ideologies.Embracing Islam and Prioritizing IslamophobiaIn contrast, the Democratic Party has actively courted Muslim voters and elevated concerns about Islamophobia to a central plank. The 2024 Democratic National Convention featured prominent Muslim speakers, including representatives from CAIR (Council on American Islamic Relations), and included prayers in Arabic. Party leaders routinely condemn "Islamophobia" as a form of bigotry akin to racism. Following the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel, many Democratic lawmakers—such as the "Squad" members Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar—framed criticism of radical Islam or pro-Palestinian protests (some involving antisemitic chants) as Islamophobic, while hesitating to condemn anti-Christian vandalism.This embrace is evident in policy. Democrats have pushed for federal hate crime protections that emphasize anti-Muslim bias; the 2021 COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, championed by Democrats, included specific provisions for tracking anti-Asian and anti-Muslim incidents but made no equivalent mention of anti-Christian ones, despite FBI data showing Jews and Christians as frequent targets. In education, Democratic-led initiatives in states like California mandate teaching about Islam's contributions to civilization in public schools, while removing or secularizing references to Christianity's role in American history.High-profile incidents highlight the disparity. When French teacher Samuel Paty was beheaded in 2020 for showing cartoons of Muhammad, some Democratic voices expressed muted condemnation, focusing instead on avoiding "Islamophobia." Yet, when Christian symbols are desecrated—such as the 2022 wave of church vandalisms tied to abortion debates—Democratic leaders offer little outrage. In 2024, after pro-Palestinian protesters disrupted Christmas events in New York with chants against "Christian Zionists," prominent Democrats like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez defended the protests as free speech, without addressing the religious targeting.The Double Standard in Freedom of ReligionThis asymmetry constitutes a clear double standard: Christianity is tolerated only insofar as it conforms to secular progressive norms, while Islam receives broader protections, even when expressions conflict with those same norms. Freedom of religion, as envisioned by the Founders, should shield believers from compelled speech or action against their conscience.&nbsp;Yet, Democrats support "compelled inclusion" laws forcing Christian business owners to affirm LGBTQ+ events, but oppose any scrutiny of Sharia-influenced practices in Muslim communities, such as gender segregation in some mosques.Data underscores the imbalance. Pew Research shows that since 2016, negative views of Christianity among Democrats have risen sharply (from 20% to over 40% viewing evangelicalism unfavorably), while favorability toward Muslims has increased. Hate crime statistics from the FBI (2023) reveal over 1,000 anti-Christian incidents annually, yet Democratic proposals for religious liberty focus almost exclusively on minority faiths, excluding Christians.Culturally, the party tolerates art that blasphemes Christianity—Piss Christ received NEA funding under Democratic administrations—but condemns as bigoted any similar critique of Islam. This isn't neutrality; it's favoritism. Muslims are portrayed as an oppressed minority needing protection, while Christians (especially conservatives) are cast as oppressors whose influence must be curtailed.The Democratic Party's treatment of Christianity versus Islam reveals a profound double standard that erodes true religious freedom. By deconstructing Judeo-Christian foundations, attacking the faith in policy and culture, and ignoring anti-Christian bigotry, while embracing Islam and amplifying Islamophobia concerns, the party prioritizes one religion over another based on political utility. Muslim voters represent a growing demographic in key states, explaining the outreach, but this should not come at the expense of equal protection for all faiths. Genuine commitment to the First Amendment demands consistency: defend Christians from cultural erasure and legal coercion as vigorously as Muslims from discrimination. Until then, the party's selective tolerance exposes a hypocrisy that undermines America's pluralistic ideals.

Double Standards on Religious Freedom

Homeless tents during a cold and wet morning in manchester

In recent years, Democratic policies have increasingly focused on protecting and providing for illegal immigrants, often at the expense of American citizens. This prioritization manifests in efforts to halt deportations of criminal aliens, fund healthcare for non-citizens with taxpayer money, and allocate housing resources to migrants while veterans and other citizens remain homeless. Such approaches not only strain public resources but also undermine public safety, economic fairness, and social equity. This essay examines these harms, arguing that placing illegal immigrants ahead of citizens erodes trust in government and exacerbates domestic crises.Undermining Public Safety Through Opposition to DeportationsOne of the most direct harms comes from Democratic resistance to deporting criminal illegal immigrants. High-profile cases illustrate how this policy endangers American lives. For instance, in 2024, Laken Riley, a 22-year-old nursing student in Georgia, was murdered by Jose Ibarra, a Venezuelan migrant who had entered the U.S. illegally and been released under Biden-era policies despite prior arrests. Democrats in Congress, including figures like Senator Dick Durbin, have pushed bills like the "Dignity for Detained Immigrants Act" to limit ICE detentions and deportations, even for those with criminal records. Data from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) supports the risk: In fiscal year 2023, ICE encountered over 170,000 non-citizens with criminal convictions or pending charges at the border, yet many were released into communities due to sanctuary policies championed by Democratic-led cities like New York and Chicago. These policies prohibit local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration authorities, allowing repeat offenders to remain. A 2025 Government Accountability Office report found that non-detained aliens with criminal histories committed over 10,000 additional crimes while awaiting hearings—crimes that could have been prevented through swift deportation.By blocking deportations, Democrats effectively prioritize the rights of foreign lawbreakers over the safety of citizens. This not only increases violent crime rates in affected areas but also diverts law enforcement resources from protecting Americans to managing migrant-related issues. Safer streets for all require enforcing existing laws, not shielding criminals based on immigration status.Diverting Taxpayer Funds to Illegal Immigrant Healthcare Amid Citizen Medical DebtAnother egregious harm is the use of American tax dollars to fund healthcare for illegal immigrants while millions of citizens face bankruptcy from medical bills. Under the Affordable Care Act and state-level expansions, undocumented immigrants in states like California and New York qualify for Medi-Cal and similar programs, costing taxpayers billions annually. California's Medi-Cal expansion alone is projected to cost $3.3 billion in 2025 for covering 700,000 undocumented adults, per the state's Legislative Analyst's Office.Contrast this with American citizens: A 2024 Kaiser Family Foundation study revealed that 41% of U.S. adults have medical debt, with over 500,000 bankruptcies filed annually due to healthcare costs.&nbsp;Yet, Democratic proposals, such as those in the 2021 Build Back Better Act (which included pathways to coverage for undocumented immigrants), redirect funds that could expand Medicare or subsidize citizen premiums.This misallocation creates a perverse incentive: Illegal entry grants access to free or subsidized care denied to working-class Americans who pay into the system. It bankrupts families, discourages legal immigration, and burdens hospitals already strained by uncompensated care for citizens without insurance. True compassion begins at home—prioritizing citizens' health prevents broader economic collapse.Housing Illegal Immigrants While Veterans Sleep on StreetsHousing policies further highlight the inversion of priorities. Democratic mayors in cities like Denver and Boston have converted hotels and public buildings into migrant shelters, spending hundreds of millions in taxpayer funds. New York City alone allocated over $4 billion in 2024-2025 for migrant housing, per Mayor Eric Adams' budget reports, including luxury accommodations with meals and security.Meanwhile, homelessness among American citizens, especially veterans, persists at crisis levels. The HUD 2024 Point-in-Time Estimate counted over 650,000 homeless individuals on a single night, including 35,000 veterans—many suffering from PTSD and unable to access VA housing vouchers due to shortages. In Los Angeles, a Democratic stronghold, veteran homelessness rose 8% in 2024 despite federal promises, while the city housed thousands of newly arrived migrants in former hotels.This zero-sum game displaces citizens: Shelters for homeless Americans close or reduce services to accommodate migrants, as seen in Chicago where park district buildings were repurposed. Taxpayers foot the bill for non-citizens' temporary luxury while veterans— who served the nation—endure streets and tents. Such policies breed resentment, inflate housing costs through increased demand, and ignore root causes like addiction and mental health among citizens.Broader Consequences and the Need for Citizen-First PoliciesThe cumulative harm of these Democratic priorities is profound: eroded public trust, fiscal insolvency, and a two-tiered society where citizenship means less. Polls from Pew Research in 2025 show 68% of Americans believe immigration enforcement should focus on criminals, yet partisan gridlock prevents reform. Economically, the Congressional Budget Office estimates illegal immigration costs $150 billion net annually in public services—funds that could house every homeless veteran or erase medical debts for thousands.In conclusion, putting illegal immigrants ahead of citizens through anti-deportation stances, healthcare funding, and housing allocations makes America less safe, less fair, and less solvent. Democrats' approach, often framed as humanitarian, ignores the primary duty of government: to its own people. Reversing this requires enforcing borders, deporting criminals, and reallocating resources to citizens first. Only then can the nation address its internal wounds without importing more.

Illegal Immigrants Over Homeless Veterans

The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), founded in 1982 as a merger of earlier socialist groups, has grown into the largest socialist organization in the United States, boasting over 90,000 members as of recent counts. While it operates within the Democratic Party and endorses candidates like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Rashida Tlaib, the DSA's core ideology extends far beyond progressive reforms. At its heart lies a commitment to democratic socialism, which explicitly calls for the collective ownership of the means of production—factories, farms, technology firms, and infrastructure—and the replacement of corporate executives with workers' committees. This vision is not a mere expansion of government welfare programs but a fundamental restructuring of economic power, placing the actual running of the economy in the hands of elected worker councils rather than private owners or CEOs.The DSA's platform, as outlined in its official documents and convention resolutions, rejects capitalism's private control over production. In its 2021 national convention, the organization passed resolutions advocating for "worker self-management" and the "socialization of major industries." This means transitioning key sectors—energy, healthcare, housing, and finance—from profit-driven enterprises to entities governed by democratic committees composed of workers and community representatives. For instance, the DSA's "Ecosocialist Green New Deal" proposal envisions nationalizing fossil fuel companies and placing them under "democratic public ownership," where workers' councils would decide production levels, investment priorities, and resource allocation. CEOs, seen as unaccountable agents of capital accumulation, would be eliminated in favor of these committees, which would operate without the hierarchical authority of shareholders or boards. This is echoed in DSA chapters' local campaigns, such as those in New York pushing for public ownership of utilities, where elected worker-stakeholder boards would manage operations day-to-day. Crucially, this agenda is not analogous to social safety nets like Social Security, unemployment insurance, or Medicare, which exist comfortably within capitalism. These programs, funded by payroll taxes on wages generated through private enterprise, act as stabilizers for the market system. They redistribute a portion of capitalist wealth to mitigate inequality and prevent social unrest, but they leave the means of production firmly in private hands. Factories remain owned by corporations, farms by agribusiness, and tech giants by venture capitalists. The government does not dictate production quotas, pricing, or innovation pathways; it merely collects and reallocates funds. Social Security, for example, is a pay-as-you-go system sustained by the productivity of a capitalist economy—without private wealth creation, it collapses. The DSA, however, seeks to dismantle this foundation. By transferring ownership to workers' committees, it aims to end profit as the organizing principle, replacing it with planned production for use, not exchange.This push extends to the elimination of private property in its productive forms, though the DSA often frames it in terms of "socializing" rather than outright abolition. Private property here refers not to personal belongings like homes or cars but to capital—the tools and resources used to generate wealth. Under DSA-inspired models, drawn from historical precedents like Yugoslavia's worker self-management or modern proposals in Jacobin magazine (a publication closely aligned with DSA thinkers), committees would control land, machinery, and intellectual property. Housing, for instance, features prominently: the DSA's national platform supports "social housing" where public entities or cooperatives own and allocate units, potentially dictating residency based on need as determined by committees, not market forces. This echoes Marxist critiques of private property as a barrier to equality, where government or collective bodies could reassign living spaces to prioritize workers or marginalized groups, effectively ending the individual's right to buy, sell, or inherit productive assets freely.Evidence of this radical intent abounds in DSA literature and actions. The organization's "Democratic Socialist Labor Commission" promotes "workplace democracy" as a step toward full socialization, citing examples like the Mondragon cooperatives in Spain but scaling them to entire industries. In 2023, DSA-backed strikes and union drives emphasized not just better wages but "worker control" over company decisions. Resolutions from the 2019 convention called for expropriating billionaire wealth and placing it under "democratic control," a euphemism for committee governance. Unlike social safety nets, which presuppose capitalism's continued wealth generation, DSA's vision requires uprooting it. Committees would run the economy holistically: setting wages collectively, directing investments toward social goals like decarbonization, and eliminating competition in favor of coordination.Critics might conflate this with Scandinavian social democracy, but the DSA explicitly rejects such models as "class collaboration." Nordic countries maintain private ownership of production while taxing it heavily for welfare—capitalism with a strong safety net. The DSA, influenced by figures like Michael Harrington but radicalized in recent years, demands the opposite: the means of production out of private hands entirely. This is not reform but revolution through democratic means, as articulated in their slogan "Abolish profit, police, and prisons."In conclusion, the DSA's platform represents a direct assault on capitalist structures, advocating workers' committees to supplant CEOs and seize control of economic decision-making. This transcends social safety nets, which bolster capitalism, and ventures into abolishing private property's role in production, potentially allowing collective bodies to dictate resource use, including housing allocation. While packaged in democratic rhetoric, it envisions an economy run not by markets or individuals but by committees answerable to the working class—a profound shift from the wealth-creating engine that funds today's safety nets.