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Standing Against Hate: Why Supporting Israel Makes Me a True Republican, Not “Israel First”As a proud U.S. Marine veteran who served three years on active duty—including a 15-month deployment overseas during wartime—I know what it means to risk everything for America. I put my life on the line for the United States of America, not for any foreign nation. Yet some so-called Republicans and conservatives in Oregon have taken to calling me “Israel First” simply because I support our steadfast democratic ally in the Middle East. This name-calling is not principled disagreement. It is hatred dressed up as policy critique, and it has no place in the Republican Party.Let me be clear: the overwhelming majority of Republicans—80 to 90 percent, including President Donald Trump—stand with Israel. Supporting Israel’s right to defend itself against Iran-backed terrorists is not some fringe position. It is mainstream conservative belief rooted in shared values of democracy, self-reliance, and the defeat of radical Islamism. Israel has never asked American troops to fight its wars. Israelis have always fought and died for their own country with their own sons and daughters. My service was for the Stars and Stripes, period. Anyone who twists my support for Israel into disloyalty to America is not arguing in good faith—they are playing a dangerous game of identity politics and ancient prejudice.The claim that Israel or Prime Minister Netanyahu “controls” President Trump is nothing new. It is a recycled antisemitic trope that has echoed for centuries: Jews secretly run the world, the media, the banks, and now the White House. This is the same poisonous lie that fueled pogroms, the Holocaust, and modern conspiracy theories. It has nothing to do with legitimate debate over Iran’s aggression or U.S. foreign policy. It has everything to do with personal antisemitism.Sadly, this hate is not only coming only from the radical left. It is being mainstreamed by voices like Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens—figures who have repeatedly trafficked in these tropes. Owens was even named Antisemite of the Year in 2024 by StopAntisemitism for her record of defending Hitler’s Germany, promoting conspiracy theories about Jewish power, and stoking fear of Israel. When self-described conservatives echo these voices while attacking fellow Republicans who support Israel, they are not conserving anything—they are importing the very bigotry our party has historically rejected.I am running for the United States Senate from Oregon as a Republican who believes in ethical individualism, common sense, and human equality. That is why my campaign has a simple, non-negotiable pledge: ZERO tolerance for antisemitism, racism, or any form of group judgmentalism. Every human being is created equal and must be judged by their character and actions, not by their ethnicity, faith, or ancestry. Period.The Oregon Republican Party must match this standard. We rightly condemn racism whenever it appears in our ranks. Antisemitism deserves the exact same moral clarity. Silence is not neutrality—it is complicity. If the ORP fails to call out this rising hate, it is effectively approving its growth among Oregon Republicans. That is not who we are. That is not the party of Abraham Lincoln, the first Republican president and the Great Emancipator who fought to end slavery and expand human freedom.Lincoln’s Republican Party was founded on the moral high ground of human rights. We reclaimed that ground by defeating fascism and communism abroad while protecting liberty at home. Today, the same moral clarity demands that we reject antisemitism with the same vigor we reject every other form of bigotry. Oregon Republicans can—and must—lead the way. We must stop the hate, nip group judgmentalism in the bud, and once again become the party that stands for every American regardless of background.To every Oregonian who believes in America First, not hate first: this is our moment. I am not “Israel First.” I am America First—and part of putting America first is standing with our allies who share our values while rejecting the bigotry that divides us. If you are tired of the name-calling, the conspiracy theories, and the moral cowardice masquerading as conservatism, I ask for your support in the 2026 Senate race. Together, let us reclaim the soul of the Republican Party. Let us reject hate, embrace truth, and prove once again that the GOP is the party of moral courage, individual liberty, and human dignity.Russ McAlmond MBA,MSFS,CFP U.S. Marine Veteran Republican Candidate for U.S. Senate, Oregon mcalmondforcongress.org

Standing Against Hate

Why Oregon Republicans Must Choose Ed Diehl for GovernorAs the only veteran (Marines) running for the United States Senate in Oregon, I am officially endorsing Ed Diehl for Governor over Christine Drazan - the establishment choice.&nbsp;This race is not about personalities. It is about whether Oregon Republicans will finally break free from the small circle of Salem insiders who have turned our party into the smallest major party in the state, or whether we will send a true outsider and fresh Republican to the governor’s office who can actually defeat Tina Kotek in November.Christine Drazan is the clear favorite of the Republican establishment—the “Salem Swamp.” When Ed Diehl was still in the race against her, Bruce Starr, the Senate Minority Leader, publicly endorsed Drazan anyway. That single act told every Oregon Republican exactly who the insiders want in the governor’s mansion: one of their own. Drazan, Adair, David Smith, Bruce Starr, and their tight-knit group have controlled the party’s direction for years, and the results speak for themselves. Oregon Republicans have been losing ground, losing seats, and losing elections because the establishment keeps offering the same tired, insider-driven choices that voters have already rejected.Ed Diehl is not one of them. He is a newcomer to the Oregon legislature. He has never been part of the insider club in Salem. He does not owe favors to the same consultants, donors, or party bosses who have been running the show. And that is precisely why he is the strongest candidate we have.Most Oregon Republicans are not part of that small Salem circle. They are fed up with it. They see how the establishment has weakened our party and left us unable to win statewide. They are looking for someone who will fight the status quo, not protect it. Ed Diehl is that fighter. Like Ed, I am an outsider in my US Senate race as a Republican also. I am not backed by Bruce Starr or the Salem Swamp. In fact, establishment Republicans in my own county have attacked me online, posted against me on Facebook, and worked behind the scenes to try to clear the field for their preferred candidates. They are playing the same games against Ed—boosting Drazan, whispering doubts about Diehl, doing everything they can to keep power inside their small circle. I see it. I recognize it. And I reject it.That is why I identify so strongly with Ed Diehl. We are both outsiders who refuse to kneel to the insiders. We both believe the only way to win in November is to give Oregon voters a real choice—someone who has not already been compromised by the very system voters want to change.I personally like some of the other candidates running for governor. I respect their service and their ideas. But respect is not the same as confidence. After looking at the race, the polling, the mood of Oregon voters, and the reality of what it will take to beat Tina Kotek, I am convinced that Ed Diehl is the only Republican who can win in November and give Oregon its first Republican governor in many years.Tina Kotek and the Democrats have controlled the state for too long. They have driven up housing costs, failed our schools, and burdened families with higher taxes and more government interference. Oregon is ready for change. But that change will not come from another establishment Republican who is already on a first-name basis with the same lobbyists and insiders who run Salem. It will only come from an outsider who has never been part of the problem. That is Ed Diehl.As I campaign across Oregon for the U.S. Senate—fighting to defeat Jeff Merkley and restore real representation in Washington—I will continue to fight the establishment Republicans in my own county, in Salem, and across the state. I will never apologize for being an outsider, and I will never stop fighting for the Republican voters who have been ignored by the insiders for far too long.That is why I am proud to stand with Ed Diehl for Governor of Oregon.&nbsp;Disclaimer: I, or my campaign, have not reached out to Ed or spoken to him about this endorsement. We have not received or been given anything for this endorsement. He and his campaign are not even aware of it until someone sends this to him or he sees it online. . Russ McAlmond MBA,MSFS,CFP US Marine Corps Veteran - Republican&nbsp; Candidate for United States Senate, Oregon

My US Senate Campaign Officially Endorses Ed Diehl for Governor

When the Oregon Republican Party rightly champions limited government, individual liberty, fiscal responsibility, and strong national defense, one stain threatens to undermine everything we stand for: the creeping rise of antisemitism and hate within our ranks. This is not a fringe issue or a matter of legitimate foreign-policy debate. It is a moral failing that drags conservatives into the very moral gutter of collectivist group judgmentalism that Democrats have occupied for years. Russ McAlmond, candidate for the United States Senate, stands unequivocally opposed to antisemitism, racism, and every form of judging individuals by their group identity. He recognizes what too many in our party have allowed themselves to forget: true conservatism demands judging people as individuals, not as members of ethnic, religious, or national collectives. Antisemitism has no place in the Republican Party, the party of Lincoln, and those who promote it betray our principles just as surely as those who traffic in racism against African Americans.The notion that criticism of Israel can be neatly separated from hatred of the Jewish people is a fiction. Israel is not some abstract foreign lobby; it is the world’s only Jewish state—the homeland and refuge of the Jewish people after centuries of persecution, pogroms, and the Holocaust. To single out Israel for unique condemnation while ignoring the far worse human-rights records of its neighbors is to apply a standard to Jews that we apply to no one else. When self-proclaimed Republicans post on Facebook and other platforms that “Israel controls Trump” or that AIPAC “buys” politicians who would otherwise oppose Israel, they are not engaging in policy analysis. They are recycling the oldest antisemitic tropes of Jewish control over finance, media, and government. These claims are not conservative; they are collectivist conspiracy theories that belong on the radical left. They echo the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, not the writings of Buckley, Reagan, or Goldwater.Any Republican who traffics in antisemitism or reflexive hatred of Israel is no different from a Republican who promotes racism against African Americans. Both substitute group guilt for individual responsibility. Both abandon the color-blind, faith-blind ideals that define American conservatism. Group judgmentalism is not a Republican value. It never has been. Our party’s greatest triumphs—from the abolition of slavery to the defeat of communism—came from rejecting collective blame and affirming the dignity of every person made in God’s image. We cannot claim the high moral ground on crime, education, taxes, and border security while allowing antisemitic rhetoric to fester in our online spaces and local meetings. On issue after issue Oregon Republicans stand tall. On antisemitism we are letting ourselves be pulled down to the Democrats’ level of identity politics and grievance. We cannot allow any Oregon Republican or candidate to drag us down into this moral gutter of hate.&nbsp;Consider the facts about Israel’s relationship with the United States. Israel does not ask American troops to fight its wars. Unlike the European allies in World War II or South Vietnam in the 1960s and ’70s—where 58,000 Americans gave their lives and hundreds of thousands more were wounded—Israel has never required U.S. combat forces to defend its borders. Israeli men and women fight and die for their own country. American support for Israel consists primarily of military aid that strengthens a reliable democratic ally in a dangerous region, an ally that shares intelligence, develops cutting-edge defense technologies, and confronts terrorism that threatens the West. We provide similar assistance to Egypt and substantial aid to Ukraine, a nation that is not even a formal treaty ally. Yet only Israel draws obsessive conspiracy theories about “control” of Congress and the presidency. That double standard is antisemitism, plain and simple.The antisemitic claim that Jewish money or lobbying “buys” support for Israel collapses under scrutiny. American politicians support Israel because it is in America’s strategic interest to have a stable, democratic partner in the Middle East—one that buys American weapons, conducts joint military exercises, and stands with us against Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, and other Islamist threats. AIPAC, like every other advocacy group in Washington, makes its case openly and legally. To pretend otherwise is to revive the lie that Jews secretly manipulate gentile leaders. This trope did not disappear after 1945; it has simply migrated online, sometimes cloaked in “anti-Zionism.” Republicans who repeat it are not fighting the administrative state or woke ideology—they are importing the left’s worst instincts.McAlmond rejects this poison. He understands that conservatism is rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition that values every human soul. He knows that America’s security is enhanced, not endangered, by a strong Israel that fights its own battles. And he insists that the Oregon Republican Party must adopt a policy of zero tolerance: no platforms, no endorsements, and no tolerance for those who peddle antisemitic or anti-Israel hatred under the guise of “America First.” Real America First means supporting allies who pull their weight, not scapegoating Jews for problems created by big government and weak foreign policy. On taxes, regulation, education choice, and Second Amendment rights, Oregon Republicans hold the moral and intellectual high ground. We lose that ground the moment we tolerate collectivist hatred of any group—Jews, Blacks, Hispanics, or anyone else. Group judgmentalism is the left’s specialty. It has no future in a party committed to individual liberty and equal justice under law.The choice before Oregon Republicans is clear. We can drift into the antisemitic fringes, alienating the very voters who value principle over partisanship, or we can draw a bright line and declare: antisemitism stops here. Russ McAlmond has drawn that line. He calls on every Oregon Republican—elected officials, party leaders, precinct captains, and grassroots activists—to join him. Delete the posts. Call out the conspiracy theories. Affirm that support for Israel is consistent with conservative values and American interests. And above all, recommit to the truth that built this party: every man and woman is judged by the content of their character, not the faith of their fathers or the passport they carry.Zero tolerance for antisemitism. Zero tolerance for racism. Zero tolerance for group judgmentalism of any kind. That is the standard McAlmond demands, and that is the standard that will keep the Oregon Republican Party on the right side of history and the right side of moral principles.&nbsp;

Why Zero Tolerance for Antisemitism Must Define the Oregon Republican Party

Ethical individualism, as championed by Russell McAlmond in his 2021 book Ethical Individualism: A Human Relational Philosophy and through his work as founder of the Center for Human Equality, represents a profound moral framework for human relations. At its core are three inseparable axioms: every human life possesses infinite value (equal to any other life or combination of lives), infinite uniqueness (no person can be substituted, replicated, or reduced to a category), and infinite mystery (no mind, ideology, or science can fully exhaust another’s inner reality). These axioms demand “human relational living”—an ethic of radical respect, permanent openness, and symbiotic trust in every encounter. McAlmond, a U.S. Marine veteran, financial professional, and human rights activist, is running as a Republican for Oregon’s U.S. Senate seat in 2026. His campaign weaves this philosophy into its fabric as the antidote to polarization, identity politics, and group-based judgments. It is no coincidence that McAlmond’s ideas have been compared to Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment. The novel serves as a harrowing literary proof of ethical individualism’s truths, illustrating why every person must be seen as a unique individual of equal worth rather than judged by group, class, or utility. Dostoevsky’s masterpiece demonstrates ethical individualism through the moral collapse of Rodion Raskolnikov. Raskolnikov’s “extraordinary man” theory permits transgression of ordinary morality if it serves a greater good. He murders the elderly pawnbroker Alyona Ivanovna, dismissing her as a “louse”—a worthless parasite whose death could fund noble deeds for the poor. This act embodies the very dangers ethical individualism rejects: ranking lives by finite utility or class (poor versus rich, useful versus burdensome), reducing individuals to group stereotypes or societal roles, and presuming godlike knowledge of others’ worth. The unintended killing of the innocent Lizaveta shatters his calculus. Guilt, fever, nightmares, and confession follow—not as external punishment, but as the internal reassertion of the three infinities. Alyona and Lizaveta cannot be quantified; each possesses infinite value that no future benefit can offset. Their lives defy categorization: they are not interchangeable “types” but irreducibly unique. Raskolnikov’s hubris in claiming omniscience over human motives crumbles before infinite mystery. Only in Siberian exile, through Sonya’s redemptive love and the convicts’ shared humanity, does he begin regeneration. Dostoevsky shows that denying any person’s equal, infinite worth—whether the poor pawnbroker or anyone else—leads to personal and societal crime. Acceptance of ethical individualism restores human relational harmony. The novel thus proves McAlmond’s philosophy: no ideology of collective judgment (by class, race, or utility) survives conscience’s verdict. Every individual is of equal worth, judged solely on their unique character and actions. This literary insight is not abstract for McAlmond; it is the beating heart of his Senate campaign. Ethical individualism is “woven into the fabric” of his platform, rejecting the “divisive forces” that fracture Americans into competing tribes defined by race, gender, ideology, or class. Instead, McAlmond promotes a “common sense centrist” vision that serves every constituent as a unique individual. His campaign website and materials repeatedly affirm: “Every human being is equal in value while still being unique,” echoing the Declaration of Independence’s proclamation that all are “created equal” with unalienable rights. This philosophy directly defeats DEI (diversity, equity, inclusion) initiatives and identity politics by insisting judgments rest on individual merit, character, and choices—not group guilt, privilege, or quotas. McAlmond calls on the Republican Party (and all parties) to adopt ethical individualism as its “human relational standard,” reclaiming America’s founding emphasis on individual liberty and responsibility. McAlmond’s values for Oregon exemplify this individualism in concrete policy. As a fiscal conservative and financial expert, he prioritizes reducing the cost of living and taxes for every Oregonian, recognizing that economic burdens fall on unique individuals and families, not abstract groups. On homelessness, he advocates ending it for all American citizens through practical support like mental health services and shelter—treating each person as a unique human in need rather than a statistic in a collective crisis. Healthcare must remain a personal matter between patient and doctor, free from government overreach that lumps people into bureaucratic categories. He supports the Second Amendment as an individual right to self-defense for law-abiding citizens and opposes men competing in women’s sports to protect the unique fairness and opportunities due to female athletes as individuals. Zero tolerance for antisemitism and hate flows from the same principle: every person—Jew, Muslim, Christian or otherwise—deserves iron-clad protection of their infinite value and uniqueness, not collective scapegoating. McAlmond positions himself against extremism on left or right, pledging to represent Oregon’s moderate majority who seek safety, stability, and respect for each person’s dignity. These stances are not partisan talking points; they are practical applications of ethical individualism, fostering policies that honor every Oregonian’s unique story rather than pitting groups against one another. Central to McAlmond’s vision is his proposal for a Human Rights Act (framed in his human relational philosophy as a codification of ethical individualism—sometimes referenced in campaign contexts as advancing a “human relational” approach to rights). He explicitly desires legislation, grounded in the Declaration of Independence, that ensures “every American is only judged as a unique individual” with unalienable rights. This act would enshrine into federal law the three infinities: prohibiting policies that rank, categorize, or presume to fully define people by group identity; mandating equal respect and opportunity based on individual merit; and promoting human relational living in government, education, employment, and justice. It would reject collective guilt or privilege, dismantle group-based preferences, and require laws to treat citizens as irreplaceable persons of infinite value and mystery. In practice, it would guide everything from civil rights enforcement to school curricula, ensuring government interactions foster trust and mutual enrichment rather than division. For Oregon and the nation, this act would translate McAlmond’s philosophy into enduring policy, making ethical individualism the legal and cultural standard for human relations in the 21st century. In conclusion, Russ McAlmond’s Senate campaign is not merely a political bid; it is a philosophical mission to revive America’s soul through ethical individualism. Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment stands as its literary mirror, warning that judging people by group—poor versus rich, or any other divide—breeds crime against the human spirit. McAlmond’s platform for Oregon demonstrates this truth in action: fiscal responsibility, personal healthcare choices, fair individual rights, and zero tolerance for hate all flow from seeing every person as infinitely valuable, unique, and mysterious. His proposed Human Rights Act (rooted in human relational philosophy) seeks to codify this vision nationally, ensuring government itself treats every American as the unique and equal individual they are. In an era of polarization, McAlmond offers a path of radical respect and common sense—one that honors the Declaration’s promise and heals the nation one human relation at a time. Oregonians, and Americans, stand to gain a senator who fights not for tribes, but for the infinite worth of each person.

The Philosophical Foundation of America and Our Campaign

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In an era of deepening polarization, Oregon deserves a U.S. Senator who stands for clear principles rather than slogans, evidence over envy, and individual dignity over group grievance. Russ McAlmond — U.S. Marine veteran, founder of the Center for Human Equality, author of Ethical Individualism: A Human Relational Philosophy, and a fiscal conservative with decades of real-world experience in finance and business — is running for the Republican nomination to bring exactly that leadership to Washington.McAlmond’s campaign is rooted in what principled conservatives have long recognized as high-IQ conservatism: a commitment to free minds, free markets, public virtue, and a government properly limited to protecting those foundations. This is the conservatism of reason and results — the conservatism that built America’s unparalleled prosperity and defended human liberty. It rejects the low-IQ grievance-based victimhood model that has infected parts of our political discourse on both the left and the right. That model does not elevate people; it divides them. High-IQ conservatism affirms that every human being possesses equal moral worth and unique potential. It judges individuals by the content of their character, their choices, and their contributions — not by the accident of their ancestry, identity category, or perceived victim status. McAlmond’s philosophy of Ethical Individualism puts this truth into practice. As he writes, real equality comes from treating every person with respect, not “carving America up by race, sex, or identity.” His Center for Human Equality exists for one reason: to defend the idea that every human being is equal in value while still being unique. That is the intellectual and moral foundation of high-IQ conservatism.By contrast, the low-IQ grievance model — whether it appears in Democratic DEI bureaucracies or in certain corners of populist conservatism — operates on the same flawed premise: human beings are defined by group membership, locked in perpetual hierarchies of oppressor and oppressed. Democrats institutionalize this through DEI programs that sort people into relational hierarchies based on identity, then dispense favors, punishments, and moral judgments accordingly. The result is group judgmentalism that too often manifests as antisemitism — a prejudice every bit as morally repugnant as racism. Both are forms of collectivist bigotry that replace individual merit with tribal score-settling.Sadly, a vocal minority on the right has begun mirroring this same error. Instead of defending free minds and free markets, they promote envy-driven narratives that paint successful Americans — especially those who are more accomplished, articulate, or prosperous — as part of some shadowy elite betraying “real” Americans. This is not conservatism; it is the politics of resentment dressed in red, white, and blue. It traffics in conspiracy theories that are never proven and rarely grounded in verifiable facts. It tears down the very institutions and principles — free enterprise, individual liberty, and public virtue — that have made America the greatest engine of human flourishing in history.We are the Party of Lincoln. Abraham Lincoln did not lead a movement of grievance or group favoritism; he led a human rights party that fought to extend the promise of the Declaration of Independence to every individual, regardless of background. Lincoln’s conservatism — and the conservatism that followed him — deplored group judgmentalism and championed ethical individualism. That is the tradition Russ McAlmond proudly carries forward. He refuses to define fellow Americans by victim groups or to indulge unproven conspiracies that erode trust in our constitutional order. McAlmond is clear-eyed about the forces that threaten to drag our movement backward. Commentators who peddle envy and resentment — figures such as Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens, Alex Jones, and others who prey on grievance rather than principle — do real damage. Their low-IQ approach does not strengthen conservatism; it weakens it by alienating the very people whose intelligence, innovation, and success have always powered American greatness. We cannot allow envy and personal animus toward those who may be more intelligent or accomplished to hijack the conservative cause. High-IQ conservatism wins because it is true, because it works, and because it calls Americans to their highest selves rather than their lowest instincts.Oregonians understand this choice better than most. Our state has seen the real-world consequences of identity politics taken to extremes: rising costs of living, failing schools, unchecked homelessness, and a culture that too often rewards division over unity. Russ McAlmond offers a different path — one grounded in Marine-honed discipline, financial expertise that actually balances budgets, and a human-relational philosophy that treats every Oregonian as an individual worthy of respect.He will fight for lower costs, school choice, secure borders, energy independence, and the protection of women’s sports and Second Amendment rights — all while insisting that policy must serve individuals, not identity blocs. He rejects antisemitism and every form of group-based hate with zero tolerance, because moral consistency demands it. And he will serve no more than two terms, because public service is a duty, not a career.This is not a campaign of nostalgia or rage. It is a campaign of clarity and courage. High-IQ conservatism built the greatest nation on earth. Ethical individualism is its natural expression in the 21st century. Russ McAlmond is the only candidate in this race who consistently chooses principle over grievance, evidence over envy, and the American idea over the politics of division.Oregon, the choice is clear. In the 2026 Republican primary and beyond, support the candidate who lifts every individual up rather than pitting groups against one another. Vote for the Marine, the thinker, the founder of the Center for Human Equality. Vote for Russ McAlmond — the voice of high-IQ conservatism and ethical individualism in the United States Senate. Every human being is equal in value. Every Oregonian deserves a Senator who believes it.

High and Low IQ Conservatives and Oregon

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Russ McAlmond, a U.S. Marine Corps veteran, Certified Financial Planner (CFP), and the only veteran running for Oregon’s U.S. Senate seat in 2026, brings a unique perspective shaped by decades of financial planning experience and military service to the race against incumbent Sen. Jeff Merkley. As a Republican candidate emphasizing practical, common-sense solutions, McAlmond has outlined targeted reforms to Social Security and estate/inheritance taxes. His proposals aim to deliver immediate relief to seniors, restore purchasing power eroded by recent inflation, eliminate unfair double taxation, and protect family farms and small businesses from bureaucratic disruption. Rather than relying on complex deductions or volatile exemptions, McAlmond advocates straightforward changes that prioritize simplicity, equity, and economic stability for Oregonians.Central to McAlmond’s Social Security platform is his call to make all Social Security payments completely tax-free at the federal level. Currently, many seniors face taxation on a portion of their benefits through an indirect mechanism often addressed via senior tax deductions or credits. McAlmond argues that this approach creates unnecessary complexity and administrative friction. By eliminating taxes on Social Security income outright—rather than offsetting them with deductions—recipients would experience a cleaner, more transparent boost to their net income. This reform would enhance purchasing power without requiring seniors to navigate intricate tax forms or worry about phase-outs based on other income sources. For retirees living on fixed incomes in Oregon, where cost-of-living pressures are acute, the change represents a direct and reliable increase in disposable funds for essentials like housing, healthcare, and groceries. McAlmond’s background as a CFP informs this proposal: he has seen firsthand how even modest tax burdens compound financial stress for those who can least afford it, and a tax-free structure would streamline retirement planning nationwide.Complementing this is McAlmond’s proposal for a one-time, across-the-board $500 increase in monthly Social Security payments for every current recipient. This flat-dollar adjustment is deliberately designed to provide proportionally greater relief to those with the smallest benefits—the most vulnerable seniors—while still delivering meaningful support to all. McAlmond points to the gap between official Cost-of-Living Adjustments (COLAs) and actual inflation, particularly in food prices, which surged disproportionately during the Biden administration years. Many seniors report that COLAs have failed to keep pace with real-world expenses at the grocery store and pharmacy. The $500 boost would serve as a targeted catch-up mechanism, helping Oregon’s retirees regain lost ground without creating long-term fiscal imbalances or means-testing that could disincentivize saving. As McAlmond explains, this one-time infusion recognizes the unique inflationary pressures of recent years and prioritizes dignity and self-sufficiency for those who have paid into the system over decades of work.Beyond Social Security, McAlmond extends his tax-reform vision to estate taxation, calling for the outright elimination of the federal estate tax. He contends that the tax generates relatively little revenue for the federal budget while imposing a fundamentally unfair form of double taxation. Assets included in an estate have typically already been taxed as income, capital gains, or through other levies during the decedent’s lifetime; taxing them again upon transfer penalizes thrift and successful planning. McAlmond highlights the instability of the current system: although the federal exemption threshold is currently high, Congress has repeatedly adjusted it, creating uncertainty that forces families—especially those owning family farms or small businesses in rural Oregon—to scramble for liquidity. Selling land, equipment, or inventory to pay estate taxes can fracture multi-generational operations and erode community economic anchors. Eliminating the tax would remove this artificial pressure, allowing families to focus on preservation and growth rather than forced liquidation.McAlmond applies the same logic at the state level, urging the repeal of Oregon’s inheritance tax, which he describes as one of the most burdensome in the nation. With a low threshold starting at just $1 million, the tax reaches far beyond the ultra-wealthy and frequently impacts middle-class Oregon families who have built modest estates through hard work and prudent saving. Farms, timberland, and small businesses in regions like Southern and Eastern Oregon are particularly exposed. McAlmond argues that this tax discourages intergenerational wealth transfer and undermines the very values of self-reliance and family stewardship that strengthen communities. Repealing it would align Oregon with a more competitive, family-friendly tax environment and prevent the state from being an outlier that drives talent and capital elsewhere.Collectively, McAlmond’s recommendations form a coherent strategy rooted in his dual expertise as a veteran who understands sacrifice and a financial professional who understands compounding effects—both positive and negative. By making Social Security tax-free and providing a targeted one-time increase, he seeks to restore dignity and purchasing power to Oregon’s seniors without layering on new bureaucratic hurdles. By abolishing federal estate and state inheritance taxes, he aims to end double taxation, reduce uncertainty, and safeguard the family enterprises that form the backbone of Oregon’s economy. In an era of polarized politics, McAlmond positions these reforms as pragmatic steps that transcend partisanship: they reward those who have contributed to the system, protect vulnerable fixed-income households, and preserve the American Dream of building and passing on a legacy.As Oregon voters head toward the 2026 election, McAlmond’s platform offers a clear contrast—prioritizing results over rhetoric. His proposals demonstrate a commitment to seniors who built the state, families who sustain it, and the principles of fairness and simplicity that should guide federal and state policy. Whether one agrees with every detail, his emphasis on practical relief for those most affected by inflation and tax complexity underscores a candidate focused on delivering tangible improvements to Oregonians’ daily lives.

McAlmond for US Senate Oregon

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Standing Against Hate

My US Senate Campaign Officially Endorses Ed Diehl for Go...

Why Zero Tolerance for Antisemitism Must Define the Orego...

The Philosophical Foundation of America and Our Campaign

High and Low IQ Conservatives and Oregon

Tax Free Social Security for Seniors